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Tuesday, 6 November 2012

Karl Marx's Theory

The workers do non hold the message of production. In our present social structure, it is the capitalistic who owns the means of production, and this person sells the product of the labor of the workers. Marx sees this as the exploitation of wholeness class by another, finding that it produces class hostilities based on material inequalities. The class struggle is the defining fact of societal life and leads in prison term to the violent overthrow of the capitalist class by the working class, leading to the authoritarianism of the childbede for a time until a completely classless society is produced. Marx in Das Kapital notes that the workers who are forced to sell their labor pay back nothing more than commodities in the economic market:

Marx preached that the tot altogethery class which. under capitalism, produced more wealth than it enjoyed was the working class, the project (Lerner, Meacham, and Burns 876).

The Russian Revolution put these ideas to the test, but political orientation was not the cause of the revolution but only unitary of the tools brought to bear in a social situation that had already deteriorated to an intolerable degree:

The revolutionary upsurge of 1917 derived its dynamic whim from processes deeply rooted in Russian history, above all from the close connection forged between aristocracy and vassalage. . . the injustices and brutalities of serfdom provoked a number of violent revolts, which were put spate with great se


The violent lot of the revolution is often emphasized, but such violence and the incidental anarchy and disorder are usually only features of the scratch part of the revolution. Indeed, they are accompanied throughout by travel that may not be discernible at the time but which lead to the construction of the new order:

Schapiro, Leonard. Russian Studies. New York: Viking, 1987.

Keep. John L.H. The Russian Revolution: A hold in Mass Mobilization. New York: W.W. Norton, 1976.

However, history has shown that there is an alternative in the form of the accommodation of the call for of the proletariat by the bourgeoisie, and this is because the domination of the proletariat by the bourgeoisie is not the indispensable condition that Marx made it out to be.
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The West has not produced a classless society, but it has found ways to accommodate the needs of the different levels of society in a democratic structure. By contrast, no communist society has ever produced the true dictatorship of the proletariat envisioned by Marx. In this sense, his approach has not really been tested. The Soviet system early was distorted by battles between different factions and by the ascension to power of Stalin, who impose his own brand of control, one that continued after his final stage in changed form but which never became the dictatorship of the proletariat cited by Marx. Most Communist systems in the world commit indeed been dominated by a single personality, at least in their formative years, and the cult of personality was never part of Marx's conception of the change that would come about in the social order.

Lenin describes the oppression noted by Marx in impairment of imperialism as a stage in capitalism, and he sees monopoly as a form of imperialism. He also sees imperialism as a form of capitalism in transition, "or, more precisely, as stagnant capitalism" (Knoebel 582). Lenin examines the elements of the writings of Marx and Engels and in general agrees with the idea t
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